A battery of "structural" reforms
The reform of the Labor Code by ordinances is the first major project of the five-year term in 2017. Responding to the desire of the Head of State to "liberate labor", it immediately comes up against very angry opposition from the left against a "liquidation" of the Labor Code.
Among the most controversial points are the capping of industrial tribunal compensation, the merger of staff representative bodies or the increased weight of the company agreement in relation to the branch. In the union ranks, the effects of ordinances on social dialogue are now strongly criticized. The CFDT notably denounced at the beginning of 2022 a reform which led to a "massive disappearance of local representatives".
In 2018, came Act II of the "renovation of the social model" with the reform of vocational training. This has thoroughly reviewed apprenticeship, by relaxing the conditions for entry and the opening of CFA (training centers for apprentices). The number of apprentices has since reached record levels with more than 700.000 contracts in 2021, an increase driven by higher education, with the setback of a financial imbalance. The reform also reviewed the operation of the CPF (Personal Training Account), now monetized and freely usable by each employee via an application. This has generated a boom in training, with the corollary of mass canvassing and fraud.
Another big piece with the unemployment insurance reform, one of the most contested of the five-year term. Presented in July 2019, it has had a chaotic journey: its application has been postponed several times due to the Covid and the fierce legal battle of the unions. The much criticized new calculation of unemployment benefit, which penalizes compensation for job seekers alternating periods of work and inactivity came into force on 1 October. Its effects, progressive, have not yet been measured.
Employment: good figures despite the crisis
With an unemployment rate reduced to 7,4% in the 4th quarter of 2021, against 9,5% in
beginning of the five-year term, the Head of State can pride himself on approaching his
objective of reaching 7% in 2022. The increase caused by the Covid in 2020 -
less catastrophic than had been anticipated - has been erased.
The unemployment rate is at its lowest in almost 15 years.
Supported by the "one young person, one solution" plan, 15-24 year olds saw their unemployment rate drop to 15,9%, its lowest level since... 1981.
But the number of job seekers registered with Pôle emploi, including reduced activity (categories A, B and C), remains high at 5,659 million. And long-term job seekers (registered for a year or more) represent 49,6% of the total.
Pensions: the minimum and the glean
The only promise kept in this area, the minimum old age has indeed been increased by 100 euros per month: the solidarity allowance for the elderly (Aspa) has indeed increased from 803,20 euros in 2017 to 903,20 euros in 2020 and now stands at 916,78 euros.
On the other hand, the great presidential design of a "universal system" - supposed to replace the quarantine of existing regimes - did not survive the Covid. After weeks of strikes and demonstrations, the bill passed by forceps of 49-3 in early March 2020 was immediately "suspended" and never put back on the job.
And for good reason: Emmanuel Macron has given up maintaining the legal retirement age at 62 and now wishes to push it back to 65, while removing the special regimes of the RATP, EDF and senators. To counterbalance, he promises a minimum pension of 1.100 euros for a full career.
Either more or less what he granted to farmers (85% of the Smic) and their "collaborating spouses", upgraded a few months before the elections, by taking over two legislative proposals from the Communist deputy André Chassaigne. To better cultivate its balance sheet.